{"id":392,"date":"2015-10-05T17:32:45","date_gmt":"2015-10-05T15:32:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/?p=392"},"modified":"2015-10-05T17:32:45","modified_gmt":"2015-10-05T15:32:45","slug":"argumenti-i-fuqise-se-dy-votave-shqiperi-kosove","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/argumenti-i-fuqise-se-dy-votave-shqiperi-kosove\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cArgumenti\u201d i fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb dy votave: Shqip\u00ebri +\/- Kosov\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"color: #ff0000;\">nga <em>Alban Lauka<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Hyrje<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">K\u00ebto vitet e fundit, si n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, kur diskutohet mund\u00ebsia e bashkimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy vendeve, del shpesh teza e 2, ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb votave \u201cshqiptare\u201d. Ky punim nuk synon t\u00eb trajtoj\u00eb bashkimin komb\u00ebtar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, por vet\u00ebm argumentin e votave, i cili, fatkeq\u00ebsisht, po z\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb pa t\u00eb drejt\u00eb si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr problemet kryesore p\u00ebr t\u2019u shqyrtuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje.<!--more--> Problemi q\u00ebndron n\u00eb faktin se n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, vler\u00ebsimi se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb interes komb\u00ebtar e \u00e7far\u00eb jo, pra bilanci i humbjeve dhe fitimeve, nuk b\u00ebhet nga diplomat\u00eb profesionist\u00eb, studiues t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, shkencave politike, apo t\u00eb fushave t\u00eb lidhura, por nga gazetar\u00eb, publicist\u00eb, e analist\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. Rrjedhimisht, debati mbetet n\u00eb nivele jo profesionale e akademike, pra nuk kalon n\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb dhe konkrete q\u00eb t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb rezultate dhe t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb verifikueshme.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Nga artikuj t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, intervista, emisione n\u00ebp\u00ebr media t\u00eb ndryshme, tema e votave \u201cshqiptare\u201d trajtohet shpesh nga t\u00eb dy krah\u00ebt (si pro, ashtu edhe kund\u00ebr bashkimit), por n\u00eb asnj\u00eb rast nuk argumentohet me t\u00eb dh\u00ebna, fakte dhe shifra t\u00eb mbledhura e t\u00eb sistematizuara p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb argumenti shkencor (Pacolli, 2012; Nazarko, 2014; Spahiu, 2012; Krasniqi, 2012; Avdiu, 2012; Kastrioti, 2013; icensuruari, 2012).<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Nga debate televizive, intervista e artikuj, del se argumenti kryuesor i tez\u00ebs s\u00eb dy votave \u00ebsht\u00eb se dy shtete t\u00eb ndara jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme sepse kan\u00eb dyfishin e fuqis\u00eb votuese n\u00ebp\u00ebr organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, dhe, humbja e k\u00ebsaj fuqie cil\u00ebsohet si kosto e bashkimit, edhe pse mbetet kosto e pallogaritur sakt\u00ebsisht (Pacolli, 2012). Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e opinionit publik por edhe e njer\u00ebzve me ndikim n\u00eb media e mb\u00ebshtesin k\u00ebt\u00eb tez\u00eb, madje n\u00eb forma t\u00eb ndryshme. P\u00ebr shembull, me raste, argumentohet jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt duhet t\u2019i ruajn\u00eb votat e tyre, por edhe se shtetet e tjera i druhen k\u00ebsaj mund\u00ebsie (icensuruari, 2012; Kastrioti, 2013). S\u00eb fundi, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 ides\u00eb se ndarja na sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb vota, \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehur edhe nj\u00eb version i ri i k\u00ebsaj teze: ideja se n\u00ebse durojm\u00eb pa u bashkuar edhe disa vjet, Bashkimi Europian (BE) do t\u00eb na bashkoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb fre fuqizimin mbiproporcional t\u00eb faktorit shqiptar (Nazarko, 2014, Spahiu 2012). Pra, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 ides\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb q\u00ebndrojm\u00eb t\u00eb ndar\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb influenc\u00eb\u201d, ekziston edhe versioni \u201ct\u00eb q\u00ebndrojm\u00eb t\u00eb ndar\u00eb sepse k\u00ebshtu na bashkojn\u00eb\u201d. Q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebtij punimi \u00ebsht\u00eb zb\u00ebrthimi i tez\u00ebs s\u00eb dy votave duke shqyrtuar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e faktorizimit t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve me an\u00eb t\u00eb votave t\u00eb ndara.<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li>Teza e dy votave: supozimet e paverifikuara<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Si fillim, pa marr\u00eb akoma parasysh vlerwn numerike tw \u201ckostos sw bashkimit\u201d, duhet theksuar se teza e dy votave ka disa boshll\u00ebqe t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme qysh n\u00eb pik\u00ebnisje. Si \u00e7do tez\u00eb tjeter n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo shkence, edhe \u201cdy votat\u201d kan\u00eb presupozimet e tyre, kushte paraprake q\u00eb merren si t\u00eb mir\u00ebqena pa patur nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb verifikohen m\u00eb par\u00eb, pra variable t\u00eb pandryshueshme. Kushte kryesore paraprake p\u00ebr faktorizimin e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb votave t\u00eb dy shteteve t\u00eb ndara: s\u00eb pari, organizatat ku shprehet vullneti shqiptar duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb aktor\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb rezultati i votimeve t\u00eb ket\u00eb impakt n\u00eb politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare; s\u00eb dyti, brenda organizatave ku votojn\u00eb shtetet shqiptare, votimet duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb vendimtare s\u00eb treti, t\u00eb dy ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb votat shqiptare duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb sinkronizuara, pra t\u00eb votohet gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj; s\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, dy shtete me shumic\u00eb shqiptare t\u00eb ken\u00eb fuqi votuese t\u00eb konsiderueshme, dhe shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb bashkuar. Paragraf\u00ebt e m\u00ebposht\u00ebm do t\u00eb trajtojn\u00eb me rradh\u00eb secil\u00ebn nga k\u00ebto kushte, analiz\u00eb nga e cila do t\u00eb dalin edhe p\u00ebrfundimet e k\u00ebtij punimi analitik e hulumtues.<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li>Natyra e kufizuar e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb vot\u00ebs: n\u00eb raport me politik\u00ebn jasht\u00eb organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Pa kaluar akoma tek dy pikat t\u00eb fundit, edhe dy t\u00eb parat, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, jan\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb diskutueshme. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, shtetet nd\u00ebrveprojn\u00eb intensivisht edhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie dy dhe shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe, n\u00eb takime informale, madje edhe n\u00eb takime ad hoc nd\u00ebrmjet seancave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Ministrave n\u00eb BE, etj. Shembuj t\u00eb zhvillimeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00a0jasht\u00eb-institucionale mund t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb shpesh edhe n\u00eb vitet e fundit, nga lufta e dyt\u00eb e Irakut, deri tek kriza e tanishme n\u00eb Krime. Pra, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb pjesa m\u00eb vendimtare e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, mbetet jasht\u00eb binar\u00ebve institucional\u00eb t\u00eb organizmave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr rastet m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse ishte Lufta e Irakut, ku u anashkaluan si OKB-ja, ashtu edhe NATO-ja. N\u00eb teorit\u00eb e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, OJQ-t\u00eb dhe aktor\u00ebt e ndrysh\u00ebm jo-shtet\u00ebror\u00eb jan\u00eb edhe sot burim debatesh, t\u00eb cilat u japin role q\u00eb shkojn\u00eb nga aktor\u00eb me identitet dhe axhend\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, deri n\u00eb instrumente t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare. Por n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb analiz\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohemi n\u00eb at\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt ushtrojn\u00eb n\u00eb rrafshin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet votimeve t\u00eb organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, dhe n\u00eb krahasimin e k\u00ebsaj fuqie n\u00eb rastin e nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb bashkuar shqiptar me at\u00eb t\u00eb dy shteteve t\u00eb ndara.<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li>Natyra e kufizuar e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb vot\u00ebs: n\u00eb raport me fuqit\u00eb jo-votuese edhe brenda organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Fuqia e e vot\u00ebs n\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare kufizohet jo vet\u00ebm nga shkalla e ndikimit t\u00eb vet\u00eb organizat\u00ebs n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, por edhe nga fakti se votimet brenda k\u00ebtyre strukturave nuk jan\u00eb mekanizma vendimmarr\u00ebse t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pandikuara dhe t\u00eb plot\u00ebfuqishme. Pushteti strukturor i brendsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb fakt, p\u00ebrb\u00ebn vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shum\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat q\u00eb shtetet p\u00ebrdorin p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar ndikimin e tyre mbi, ose brenda nj\u00eb organizate nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Barkin p\u00ebr shembull, flet p\u00ebr fuqin\u00eb negociuese, fuqin\u00eb e caktimit t\u00eb axhend\u00ebs, fuqin\u00eb e opinionit dhe argumentit, fuqin\u00eb kushtetuese (ku p\u00ebrfshihen votimet), fuqin\u00eb em\u00ebruese dhe organizative, dhe fuqin\u00eb ideologjike, si elementet kryesore t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb shteteve n\u00eb k\u00ebto organizata (2006, f.19-22). N\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb Tregtis\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb vet\u00ebm shembull, shtetet e fuqishme zakonisht arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb propozimet e tyre pa ndonj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb fort\u00eb nga v\u00ebndet e tjera n\u00eb votime, t\u00eb cilat shpesh mbeten pothuajse formalitet. Problemi i konsensusit fiktiv n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb organizat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft i njohur dhe ka shum\u00eb autor\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues shtet\u00ebror\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb argumentuar se fuqia teorike e \u00e7do shteti p\u00ebr veto nuk ka garanton fuqi t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb vendimmarr\u00ebse (Schott &amp; Vatal, 2000; dhjet\u00eb OJQ-ve, 2003).\u00a0 Pra, fuqia votuese n\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jo vet\u00ebm nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e barabart\u00eb me fuqin\u00eb e nj\u00eb shteti n\u00eb rrafshin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por as me fuqin\u00eb e tij brenda k\u00ebsaj organizate, dhe n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, mund t\u00eb konsiderohet vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb dimension i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i saj. P\u00ebrfundimisht numri i votave t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve del se mund t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb prej shum\u00eb dimensioneve t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme. Duke pasur parasysh k\u00ebt\u00eb kufizim, pjesa vijuese e analiz\u00ebs thellohet n\u00eb dallimin nd\u00ebrmjet \u00a0fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb mundshme votuese t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb bashkuar shqiptar me at\u00eb t\u00eb dy shteteve t\u00eb ndara, brenda k\u00ebtyre organizatave.<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li>T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat rreth votave<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sot, shtetet nuk kan\u00eb nga nj\u00eb vot\u00eb, si n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara. Prandaj, ky punim do t\u00eb tentoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb dallimin nd\u00ebrmjet fuqis\u00eb votuese t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb dy shtete t\u00eb ndara dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim, do t\u00eb merret parasysh m\u00ebnyra e votimit n\u00eb organizatat kryesore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, dhe do t\u00eb llogaritet numri dhe pesha e votave t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs, dhe pastaj t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb bashkuar shqiptar, n\u00ebse ai do t\u00eb ekzistonte sot. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyre do t\u00eb dal\u00eb qart\u00ebsisht ndryshimi i dy mund\u00ebsive dhe p\u00ebrcaktohet kostoja e bashkimit n\u00eb vler\u00eb votash. Gjithashtu, duke u nisur nga vullneti dhe aft\u00ebsia e treguar deri tani nga dy shtetet shqiptare n\u00eb ato organizata ku tashm\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb pjes\u00eb, si dhe nga shembuj t\u00eb rasteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb ngjashme do t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohet mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb t\u00eb dy shtetet t\u00eb votojn\u00eb n\u00eb bllok.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><em>Fondi Monetar Nderkombetar (FMN, ang: IMF)<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Le t\u00eb filliojm\u00eb me organizatat ku si Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova jan\u00eb an\u00ebtare, si Fondi Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe Banka Bot\u00ebrore. N\u00eb k\u00ebto dy organizata votimi nuk bazohet n\u00eb parimin \u201cnj\u00eb shtet = nj\u00eb vot\u00eb\u201d, por n\u00eb kontributet financiare t\u00eb secilit shtet, si dhe n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn q\u00eb z\u00eb ekonomia e tij n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. K\u00ebshtu, Pakistani, nj\u00eb shtet me nj\u00eb popullsi prej 150 milion banor\u00eb dhe me fuqi b\u00ebrthamore, ka vetem 0.44% t\u00eb votave, kurse Belgjika me 11 milion ka rreth 1.9%, nd\u00ebrsa SHBA 16.75%. Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova kan\u00eb secila nga 0.05% dhe n\u00ebse votojn\u00eb t\u00eb dyja nj\u00ebsoj, influenca yn\u00eb shkon n\u00eb 0.1% t\u00eb vot\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, aq sa ka Bosnja e vetme (IMF, 2014). N\u00ebse nj\u00eb shtet i bashkuar shqiptar do t\u00eb votonte sot n\u00eb FMN, pesha e vot\u00ebs do t\u00eb ishte 0.08-0.09% (shif\u00ebr q\u00eb shfaqet p\u00ebr shtetet q\u00eb japin kontribut t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrt me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebn s\u00eb bashku). Me struktur\u00ebn e re t\u00eb instituticionit, shtetet an\u00ebtare ndahen n\u00eb grupe t\u00eb ndryshme q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohen bashkarisht n\u00eb bordet drejtuese. Kosova dhe Shqip\u00ebria jan\u00eb n\u00eb grupe t\u00eb ndryshme, prandaj e kan\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur t\u00eb mbledhin votat si dy shtete t\u00eb ndara. Rrjedhimisht, si nj\u00eb shtet i vet\u00ebm fuqia votuese do t\u00eb rritej, duke u p\u00ebrqendruar tek i nj\u00ebjti votim.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><em>Banka Boterore (BB, ang: WB)<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Edhe n\u00eb forumet e Bank\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore, ku faktor\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb pesh\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm, dy votat e shteteve t\u00eb ndara shqiptare nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 0.5% t\u00eb votave t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, nj\u00eb t\u00eb pes\u00ebqindt\u00ebn e votave gjithsej. Ashtu si n\u00eb FMN, edhe n\u00eb Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova votojn\u00eb n\u00eb grupe t\u00eb ndryshme, prandaj si nj\u00eb shtet i vet\u00ebm fuqia votuese do t\u00eb rritej me 0.02%.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><em>Organizata Boterore e Tregtise (OBT, ang: WTO)<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">N\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb Tregtis\u00eb mbahet formalisht parimi nj\u00eb shtet nj\u00eb vot\u00eb, por n\u00eb praktik\u00eb vendimet merren me konsensus. N\u00eb fakt, shtet e fuqishme, si SHBA, shtetet e BE-s\u00eb, Japonia, etj. kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb objektivat e tyre pavar\u00ebsisht ndonj\u00eb rezistence t\u00eb vak\u00ebt nga vendet n\u00eb zhvillim. Pra, n\u00eb teori, Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova do t\u00eb kishin nga nj\u00eb vot\u00eb secila (Kosova akoma nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar), nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00eb shtet i vet\u00ebm do t\u00eb kishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vot\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, dy shtete do t\u00eb kishin dy vota nd\u00ebr 159, ose 1.25% t\u00eb vot\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjitshme.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><em>Organizata Traktati i Atlantikut te Veriut (NATO)<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">N\u00eb NATO, ku Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare, nd\u00ebrsa Kosova akoma jo, votimi b\u00ebhet me konsensus. Nuk ka votime t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, por n\u00eb diskutimet para vendimarrjes k\u00ebrkohet q\u00eb asnj\u00eb shtet mos t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb. P\u00ebrndryshe, propozimi ose nuk miratohet ose ndryshon p\u00ebrmbajtje (NATO, 2010). Mund t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimin grek p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e Maqedonis\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk u realizua edhe pse vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb shtet ishte kund\u00ebr. N\u00eb NATO, nj\u00eb shtet ose dy, \u00ebsht\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj, pasi edhe nj\u00eb shtet i vet\u00ebm mund t\u00eb ndaloje vendime q\u00eb nuk i p\u00ebrshtaten interesit t\u00eb tij shtet\u00ebror, kurse shumica e vot\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte ndryshim n\u00eb rast t\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb pakice kund\u00ebrshtuese. Prandaj, n\u00ebse Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova do t\u00eb shqyrtonin mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e bashkimit, votimi n\u00eb NATO nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte faktor vendimtar.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><em>Organizata e Kombeve te Bashkuara (OKB, ang: UN)<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">N\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara (OKB), Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare me t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb plota, nd\u00ebrsa Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e sigurimit t\u00eb 2\/3 t\u00eb votave t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim, ky pro\u00e7es mund t\u00eb bllokohet n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit, q\u00eb mbetet organi m\u00eb i lart\u00eb vendimmarr\u00ebs. N\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb e P\u00ebrgjithshme, vendimet e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs n\u00eb fakt jan\u00eb rekomandime, \u00e7do shtet ka nj\u00eb vot\u00eb, pra me dy shtete an\u00ebtare, shqiptar\u00ebt do t\u00eb kishin dy vota, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb vote, nd\u00ebr 193 shtete an\u00ebtare gjithsej (UN, 2014) (ose af\u00ebrsisht 1% n\u00eb vend t\u00eb 0.5% t\u00eb vot\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme). Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit, i vetmi organ i OKB q\u00eb ka fuqi detyruese mbi \u00e7do shtet an\u00ebtar, Shqip\u00ebria nuk ka qen\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb an\u00ebtare. N\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb pes\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm q\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vetos, dhe dhjet\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb q\u00eb zgjidhen nga Asambleja e P\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr dy vjet, me rotacion n\u00eb baz\u00eb rajonale. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb ekzistenca e dy shteteve me shumic\u00eb shqiptare mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb avantazh, duke qen\u00eb se p\u00ebrfq\u00ebsimi i shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb instanc\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb i shpesht\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se influenca e nj\u00eb posti t\u00eb till\u00eb kufizohet ndjesh\u00ebm nga fuqia e vetos s\u00eb pes\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><em>Bashkimi Europian (BE, ang: EU)<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">N\u00eb Bashkimin Europian, ku t\u00eb dyja vendet aspirojn\u00eb t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohen, vendimmarrja \u00ebsht\u00eb e shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb n\u00eb shtat\u00eb institucione kryesore. Nd\u00ebr to, Komisioni Europian, Parlamenti Europian, K\u00ebshilli i Ministrave dhe K\u00ebshilli Europian jan\u00eb organet m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme ekzekutive dhe legjislative, prandaj edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishmet politikisht. N\u00eb Komisionin Europian p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi i secilit vend an\u00ebtar ka nj\u00eb vot\u00eb n\u00eb kolegjin e komisioner\u00ebve, por s\u00eb pari, shumica e vendimeve merren me konsensus, dhe s\u00eb dyti, komisioner\u00ebt nuk veprojn\u00eb n\u00eb interes t\u00eb shteteve nga vijn\u00eb por t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Bashkimit Europian, p\u00ebr fushat p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, kjo vot\u00eb shtes\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson ekskluzivisht interesin e shqiptar\u00ebve, edhe pse dy vota mbeten m\u00eb t\u00eb lakmueshme se nj\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">N\u00eb Parlamentin Europian, \u00e7do shtet ka nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb caktuar vendesh q\u00eb varet kryesisht nga numri i popullsis\u00eb. Duke marr\u00eb shifrat e fundit zyrtare t\u00eb regjistrimit t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe Kosov\u00eb, del se dy vendet kan\u00eb respektivisht 2,821,977, dhe 1,733,872 banor\u00eb. Me shifra t\u00eb ngjashme me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, Letonia ka <u>8<\/u> deputet\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Estonia, q\u00eb nga numri i banor\u00ebve i afrohet Kosov\u00ebs, ka <u>6<\/u> (EuropeanParliament\/MEPs). Pra, Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova do t\u00eb kishin 14 deputet\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00eb shtet me 4,555,849 banor\u00eb (shuma e popullsive t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs) do t\u00eb kishte n\u00eb num\u00ebr <u>12<\/u> deputet\u00eb, si Irlanda. Pra, nga 766 deputet\u00eb q\u00eb ka aktualisht Parlamenti Europian, dy vende do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoheshin nga <u>2<\/u> deputet\u00eb (ose <u>0.2%<\/u> t\u00eb votave) m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb vend me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn popullsi.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">N\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e BE pesha e vot\u00ebs p\u00ebrcaktohet nga dy kushte, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurjes s\u00eb parimeve t\u00eb barazis\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet shteteve dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit proporcional t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. Duke qen\u00eb se, sipas t\u00eb gjitha gjasave, Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova nuk do t\u00eb an\u00ebtr\u00ebsohen brenda 2-3 vitesh, p\u00ebr llogaritjen e fuqis\u00eb votuese do t\u00eb merret parasysh pro\u00e7edura votuese q\u00eb do t\u00eb zbatohet n\u00eb K\u00ebshill duke filluar nga viti 2017, kur do t\u00eb hyj\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht n\u00eb fuqi sistemi i votimit i miratuar nga Traktati i Lisbon\u00ebs. Ky Traktat p\u00ebrcakton votimin me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb kualifkuar si pro\u00e7edur\u00eb standarte t\u00eb votimit n\u00eb K\u00ebshill, por p\u00ebr vendime q\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb interesat jet\u00ebsore t\u00eb shteteve, k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit ruajn\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e vetos. Shembulli i fundit ishte vetoja e Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhendaj propozimeve p\u00ebr rishikim t\u00eb Traktatit t\u00eb Lisbon\u00ebs, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e ndaloi kalimin e propozimit p\u00ebr Europ\u00ebn kontinentale, por e bllokoi zbatimin e tij n\u00eb Britani. N\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tilla, si edhe n\u00eb rastin e NATO-s, shtetet jan\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojtura nga e drejta e tyre e veto-s, prandaj nuk ka shum\u00eb ndryshim a jan\u00eb dy shtete apo nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt, pasi n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq do t\u00eb zot\u00ebrojm\u00eb gjithsesi fuqin\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrjashtimit prej rregullave t\u00eb reja. P\u00ebr marrjen e nj\u00eb vendimi me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb kualifikuar, do t\u00eb nevojitet miratimi i t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 55% t\u00eb shteteve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 65% t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. N\u00eb kushtin e par\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb q\u00eb dy shtete shqiptare do t\u00eb kishin dy vota kurse nj\u00eb shtet i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb t\u00eb dytin, nj\u00eb shtet apo dy, nuk ka asnj\u00eb ndryshim, me qen\u00eb se popullsia mbetet e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb (K\u00ebshilli Europian, 2014). N\u00eb K\u00ebshillin Europian, ku votojn\u00eb krer\u00ebt e shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, vendimet merren kryesisht me konsensus, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se kur Traktatet e BE p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e votimit, prandaj ndryshimi nd\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb shteti 4-5 milion\u00ebsh dhe dy shtetesh me nga 1.7 dhe 2.8 milion\u00eb banor\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj si n\u00eb rastin e NATO-s.<\/p>\n<table width=\"666\">\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td colspan=\"2\" width=\"181\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">Shqip\u00ebria<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">Kosova<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">Shuma (t\u00eb ndara)<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">T\u00eb bashkuara<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">Ndryshimi<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td colspan=\"2\" width=\"181\">Popullsia (n\u00eb milion\u00eb)<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">2.8<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">1.8<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">4.6<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">4.6<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">\u00a00<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td colspan=\"2\" width=\"181\">FMN<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">0.05%<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">0.05%<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">0.10%<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">0.07%<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">&#8211; 0.02%<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td rowspan=\"2\" width=\"75\">Banka<\/p>\n<p>Bot\u00ebrore<\/td>\n<td width=\"106\">Bordet e Guvernator\u00ebve<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"64\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"132\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"95\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">&#8211; 0.02%<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"106\">Bordet e Drejtor\u00ebve<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"64\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"132\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"95\"><\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">&#8211; 0.02%<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td colspan=\"2\" width=\"181\">OBT<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">1 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">1 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">2 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">1 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">1 + veto (0.63%)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td colspan=\"2\" width=\"181\">NATO<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">0<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td colspan=\"2\" width=\"181\">OKB \u2013 Asambleja e P\u00ebrgjithshme<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">1<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">1<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">2<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">1<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">1 (0.51%)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td rowspan=\"2\" width=\"75\">BE -K\u00ebshilli<\/td>\n<td width=\"106\">Popullsia<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">2.8<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">1.8<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">4.6<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">4.6<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">0<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"106\">Votat<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">1 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">1 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">2 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">1 + veto<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">1 (3.33%)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td colspan=\"2\" width=\"181\">BE &#8211; Parlamenti<\/td>\n<td width=\"71\">8<\/td>\n<td width=\"64\">6<\/td>\n<td width=\"132\">14<\/td>\n<td width=\"95\">12<\/td>\n<td width=\"122\">2 (0.27%)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li style=\"text-align: justify;\">Bllok votash shqiptare?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Shihet qart\u00eb se dy shtete shqiptare nuk kan\u00eb dyfishin e fuqis\u00eb votuese q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb shtet i bashkuar, edhe pse ka nj\u00eb diferenc\u00eb t\u00eb dallueshme. Megjithat\u00eb, i gjith\u00eb ky debat, si\u00e7 u tha m\u00eb lart, mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb iden\u00eb se k\u00ebto dy shtete do t\u00eb votojn\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj. N\u00eb fakt, ekziston mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb ekzistenca e zgjatur si dy shtete t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb edhe identitete dhe interesa t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta p\u00ebr secilin, dhe si rrjedhoj\u00eb, edhe t\u2019i ndaj\u00eb dy shtetet n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb cilat i perceptojn\u00eb dhe duan ti trajtojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme. Po t\u00eb krahasojm\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb af\u00ebrta si kultur\u00eb, identitet dhe etni, mund t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb q\u00ebndrime diametralisht t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta edhe p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje nga m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshmet politikisht, si p\u00ebr shembull siguria ose lufta dhe paqja. Danimarka ishte nj\u00eb nga shtetet q\u00eb e p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebn dhe madje edhe mor\u00ebn pjes\u00eb n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Irakut, nd\u00ebrsa shetet e tjera nordike, dhe t\u00eb gjitha shtetet n\u00eb kufi me t\u00eb, u deklaruan kund\u00ebr. P\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn \u00e7\u00ebshtje, nj\u00eb rast edhe m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja q\u00eb i dha Kuvajti p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrjen amerikane, nd\u00ebrsa 21 shtetet e tjera t\u00eb Lidhjes Arabe dol\u00ebn kund\u00ebr. Q\u00ebndrimi i Kuvajtit nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn ndonj\u00eb t\u00eb paptritur n\u00eb politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, por vet\u00ebm tregon se identiteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktues p\u00ebr interesin shtet\u00ebror. Interesat gjeopolitike e ekonomike, zakonisht kan\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi ndaj lidhjeve kulturore, edhe kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje m\u00eb pak dramatike se fillimi i nj\u00eb lufte.\u00a0 Sigurisht, lidhjet kulturore luajn\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb roli p\u00ebrbashkues p\u00ebr vendet skandinave, ose p\u00ebr vendet e ul\u00ebta, t\u00eb cilat mundohen t\u00eb koordinojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e tyre para \u00e7do samiti t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, por gjithsesi mbeten vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr faktor\u00ebt (shpesh dyt\u00ebsor\u00eb) e shumt\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin e shteteve, shum\u00eb larg ides\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb blloku votues (Kaeding, M. &amp; Selck, J.T., 2005; Hosli, O.M., 2008). N\u00eb fakt, n\u00ebse krahasohen votimet e shteteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Ministrave, del se n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve af\u00ebrsia gjuh\u00ebsore dhe kulturore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb faktor vendimtar, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb nuk vihet re aspak (VotewatchEurope). Prandaj, rezultati i an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs si shtete t\u00eb ndara n\u00eb NATO, BE, OKB, etj. nuk do t\u00eb ishte detyrimisht kirjimi i nj\u00eb grupi votash p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb interesit komb\u00ebtar, por ndoshta thjesht p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i secil\u00ebs popullsi nga qeveria p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse. N\u00ebFMN p\u00ebr shembull, Shqip\u00ebria p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet n\u00eb bordin ekzekutiv nga Andrea Montanino, i cili p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson edhe Italin\u00eb, Greqin\u00eb dhe shtete t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs s\u00eb jugut, nd\u00ebrsa Kosova nga Johann Prader, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues edhe i Austris\u00eb, Turqis\u00eb dhe shum\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs lindore. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, p\u00ebr shembull, edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ndarjeje (por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sepse fuqia votuese e shqiptar\u00ebve, edhe brenda secilit grup, \u00ebsht\u00eb af\u00ebr zero) as nuk mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr solidaritet mbar\u00ebshqiptar.<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li>P\u00ebrfundime<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e grumbulluara dhe t\u00eb paraqituar m\u00eb sip\u00ebr dhe n\u00eb interpretimin e tyre, mund t\u00eb dalim n\u00eb disa p\u00ebrfundime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mbi impaktin q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb numri i votave \u201cshqiptare\u201d mbi influenc\u00ebn e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Teza e dy votave \u00e7alon n\u00eb disa pika: 1) fuqia e nj\u00eb shteti n\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbivler\u00ebsohet n\u00eb raport me politik\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb jashtme n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi; 2) fuqia votuese e nj\u00eb shteti brenda nj\u00eb organizate nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbivler\u00ebsohet n\u00eb raport me m\u00ebnyrat e tjera t\u00eb shteteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar brenda k\u00ebsaj organizate; 3) dy shtete shqiptare garantojn\u00eb fuqi votuese m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se fuqia e nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb vet\u00ebm (shih tabel\u00ebn 1.1), por pothuajse asnj\u00ebher\u00eb dyfishin q\u00eb shpall teza e dy votave, dhe kjo fuqi votuese shtes\u00eb, n\u00ebse krahasohet me numrin total t\u00eb votave, ka shum\u00eb pak, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb aspak mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb raportet n\u00eb votime; 4) solidariteti i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebto votime, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, mund t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb pik\u00eb e diskutueshme. Nga k\u00ebto kat\u00ebr pika, del mjaft qart\u00eb se mbajtja e dy shteteve t\u00eb ndara, nuk rrit ndjesh\u00ebm influenc\u00ebn e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Prandaj, nd\u00ebrsa \u00e7\u00ebshtja e bashkimit komb\u00ebtar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb studim shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, rreth vler\u00ebs s\u00eb votave t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb ndara nuk duhet t\u00eb mbeten dyshime.<\/p>\n<p>&#8212;<\/p>\n<p><em><u>Referenca:<\/u><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Avdiu, D. (07.01.2012). Njw apo dy vota, ose njw apo dy interesa. <em>Albaniapress<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.albaniapress.com\/lajme\/15549\/Nje-apo-dy-vota-ose-nje-apo-dy-interesa.html\">http:\/\/www.albaniapress.com\/lajme\/15549\/Nje-apo-dy-vota-ose-nje-apo-dy-interesa.html<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Barkin, J.S. (2006). International Organization: Theories and Institutions. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014 nga <a href=\"https:\/\/owl.english.purdue.edu\/owl\/resource\/560\/10\/\">https:\/\/owl.english.purdue.edu\/owl\/resource\/560\/10\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p>DOI: 10.1177\/0192512105053785<\/p>\n<p>European Council. (2014). Voting Calculator. Marr\u00eb me 3 tetor, 2015, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.consilium.europa.eu\/en\/council-eu\/voting-system\/voting-calculator\/\">http:\/\/www.consilium.europa.eu\/en\/council-eu\/voting-system\/voting-calculator\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p>European Parliament. (n.d.). Marr\u00eb nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/meps\/en\/map.html\">http:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/meps\/en\/map.html<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Hosli, O.M. (2008). <em>Coalition-Formation, Cleavages and Voting: Behavior in the Council of the European Union<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 4 mars nga\u00a0http:\/\/bit.ly\/1GsjLDn.<\/p>\n<p>icensuruari. (30.12.2012). Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interesin e shqiptar\u00ebve \u201cShqip\u00ebria e madhe\u201d. Peshku pa ujw. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.peshkupauje.com\/2012\/11\/nuk-eshte-ne-interesin-e-shqiptareve-shqiperia-e\">http:\/\/www.peshkupauje.com\/2012\/11\/nuk-eshte-ne-interesin-e-shqiptareve-shqiperia-e<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>IMF. (03.03.2014). <em>IMF Members&#8217; Quotas and Voting Power, and IMF Board of Governors<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.imf.org\/external\/np\/sec\/memdir\/members.aspx\">http:\/\/www.imf.org\/external\/np\/sec\/memdir\/members.aspx<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Kaeding, M. &amp; Selck, J.T. (2005). Mapping Out Political Europe: Coalition Patterns in EU Decision-Making, International Political Science Review (2005), Vol 26, No. 3, 271\u2013290.<\/p>\n<p>Kastrioti, E. (23.01.2013). Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova sa af\u00ebr dhe larg!. <em>Nacional Albania<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.nacionalalbania.al\/rreth-nesh\/\">http:\/\/www.nacionalalbania.al\/rreth-nesh\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Krasniqi, F. (06.12.2012). Bashkim Kombwtar dhe pikw!. <em>Bota Sot<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.botasot.info\/opinione\/200263\/bashkim-kombetar-dhe-pike\/\">http:\/\/www.botasot.info\/opinione\/200263\/bashkim-kombetar-dhe-pike\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Memorandum i pwrbashkwt i dhjetw OJQ-ve. (2003). <em>Memorandum on the need to improve internal transparency and participation in the WTO<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga\u00a0http:\/\/bit.ly\/1WIk06L.<\/p>\n<p>NATO. (2006). <em>Consensus decision-making at NATO<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.nato.int\/cps\/en\/natolive\/topics_49178.htm\">http:\/\/www.nato.int\/cps\/en\/natolive\/topics_49178.htm<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Nazarko, M. (09.01.2014). Mbledhja e Prizrenit si nj\u00eb fillim. <em>Panorama<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.panorama.com.al\/2014\/01\/09\/mbledhja-e-prizrenit-si-nje-fillim\/\">http:\/\/www.panorama.com.al\/2014\/01\/09\/mbledhja-e-prizrenit-si-nje-fillim\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Pacolli, B. (23.11.2012). Behgjet Pacolli n\u00eb Tonight: Shqiptar\u00ebt de jure dy shtete, nj\u00eb de facto. <em>OraNews<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga http:\/\/bit.ly\/1Mbavph.<\/p>\n<p>Schott, J.J. &amp; Vata, J. (2000). Decision-making in the WTO. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.iie.com\/publications\/pb\/print.cfm?ResearchId=63&amp;doc=pub\">http:\/\/www.iie.com\/publications\/pb\/print.cfm?ResearchId=63&amp;doc=pub<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Spahiu, K. (04.01.2012). Bashkimin do e vendosin vet\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt. <em>Panorama<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014 nga <a href=\"http:\/\/www.panorama.com.al\/2012\/01\/04\/spahiu-bashkimin-do-e-vendosin-vete-shqiptaret\/\">http:\/\/www.panorama.com.al\/2012\/01\/04\/spahiu-bashkimin-do-e-vendosin-vete-shqiptaret\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>(2014). General Assembly of the United Nations. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014, nga http:\/\/www.un.org\/en\/ga\/<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>VotewatchEurope. <em>Compare votes cast by [Member State] with those of the other Member States in the Council of Ministers of the EU<\/em>. Marr\u00eb me 3 mars, 2014 nga http:\/\/bit.ly\/1VBgRTN.<\/p>\n<p>WorldBank. (28.02.2014). Voting Powers. Marr\u00eb me 3 tetor, 2015, nga http:\/\/bit.ly\/1iZV4sk.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>nga Alban Lauka Hyrje K\u00ebto vitet e fundit, si n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, kur diskutohet mund\u00ebsia e bashkimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy vendeve, del shpesh teza e 2, ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb votave \u201cshqiptare\u201d. Ky punim nuk synon t\u00eb trajtoj\u00eb bashkimin komb\u00ebtar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, por vet\u00ebm argumentin e votave, i cili, fatkeq\u00ebsisht, po z\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb pa&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":393,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[222,209,204],"tags":[221,203],"class_list":["post-392","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analiza-2","category-gjeopolitike-2","category-politike","tag-analiza","tag-politike"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/392","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=392"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/392\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/393"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=392"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=392"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/patrioti.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=392"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}